When we think about the Netherlands, we think of channels, dikes, coffeeshops, tulips, windmills, cheese…but from the large family of Dutch pride the so called Gouda cheese is one of the most emblematic symbols of Dutch traditions. It reminiscent of small farm, colourful and folkloric performances of ancient trade’s traditions, a good wine and exclusive aged gourmet cheese; finally gezellig moments.

Enjoying a Gouda cheese has become a must to experience the popular culture of Holland, and a mandatory point of the touristic itinerary. This cheese was named after ‘Gouda’ a town in the North of Holland, where merchants met and exchanged goods during the Middle Ages. Currently local merchants still meet and perform the trade’s ancient practices for the amusement of tourist every Wednesday or Saturday in the local markets of the city. The Gouda cheese therefore evokes this explosion of colours, traditional clothes, hundreds of yellow cheese disks in the square that dates back to the city’s heyday.

From cheese farms and local markets, to exclusive gourmet stores in Germany, Peru or Beverly Hills (in the United States), Gouda cheese is everywhere and duly certificated of its origin. The name “Gouda Holland” is protected by EU trade laws that guarantee the cheese is produced in the Netherlands, using traditional methods.

From the middle age to XXI century

Gouda cheese has been produced in the Netherlands since 12th century and is considered one of the oldest types of cheese in the world: currently the cheese industry is an important component of Dutch economy.

In 2009, the Netherlands produced 712 million kilograms of cheese, of which 350 million kilograms corresponded to the protected names of traditional cheese (such as the Gouda-Holland); however two-thirds of the production was exported to other countries, accounting around 50% percent of the world’s cheese consumption. The picturesque and historical Gouda represents millions of kilograms exported each year besides of the Dutch pride. The Gouda is travelling all around the globe having Germany as the biggest buyer.

 

In 2017 the Netherlands was ranked second worldwide in cheese exports, at least 50% of the production of cheese corresponded to protected names, labelled as traditional.

Looking at this numbers, I wonder, what traditional means when talking about intensive cheese production? According to the Ministry of Agriculture Nature and Food Quality on the granted protected status of the Gouda Holland; traditional refers to the method of production, the natural aging process and using milk from Dutch cows.

 Dairy and cheese Industry

For every kilogram of cheese 10 -13 litres of milk and 2.62 m3 of water is required. We cannot talk about cheese production without looking at the dairy industry. The dairy industry in the Netherlands it’s highly mechanized and is characterised for constantly improving feed quality and genetic selection though breeding programs, this means that are focused in reducing dairy herd and improving efficiency. Dutch cows can produce an average 22 litres of milk per day (some cows may produce over 50 litres a day) which is six times more than what a cow would naturally produce to feed her calf. Doing some numbers, we realize that around half a million cows were required to produce, in 2009, the 350 million kilograms of cheese labelled as traditional.

 

On the other hand, a significant part of Dutch livestock feed is imported, and agriculture  for animal food is intensive in external nutrients.  However imported ingredients (of cheese) are assumed to be produced from Dutch domestic resources. The Dutch cows are greatly feed by food produced mostly from European countries, but also from Asia, United States, and South America.

An intensive production model is characterised, among other aspects, by being highly mechanized and constantly producing and therefore by requiring higher demands of water, energy and other resources . The cheese as a final product embodies significant amounts of green house emissions, accumulated in every stage of the transformation and commercialization chain.

5

Gouda cheese propaganda in the Central Market, The Hague. Picture: Karelia Martinez

To conclude I leave a question;

Can we still say that our delicious slice of cheese, labelled as Gouda- Holland and just made in a cheese farm (well technically equipped), that produces 13,000 litres of cheese per day, using milk from highly mechanised dairy farm with genetically selected Dutch cows (with the highest production rate of Europe, more than twice than UK), fed with imported food from intensive agriculture, is traditional?

 

About the author

Karelia Martinez, Civil Engineer from Nicaragua, currently  studying Water Management and Governance in IHE Delft, Institute of Water Education, in partnership with UNESCO.

References

Hoekstra, A. Y. (2012). The hidden water resource use behind meat and dairy. Animal frontiers, 2(2), 3-8.

Oulu, M. (2015). The unequal exchange of Dutch cheese and Kenyan roses: Introducing and testing an LCA-based methodology for estimating ecologically unequal exchange. Ecological Economics, 119, 372-383.

Van Oel, P., Mekonnen, M., & Hoekstra, A. Y. (2008). The external water footprint of the Netherlands: Quantification and impact assessment.

http://www.zuivelnl.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/09/Dutch-dairy-in-figures-2015.pdf

https://www.statista.com/statistics/579459/value-of-the-import-and-export-of-gouda-cheese-in-the-netherlands/

https://www.government.nl/latest/news/2010/10/08/dutch-cheeses-edam-holland-and-gouda-holland-granted-protected-status

https://atlas.media.mit.edu/en/profile/country/nld/

http://www.worldstopexports.com/cheese-exports-country/

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Illegal but tolerated: the hemp business in the Netherlands

How the hemp business works in the Netherlands?

DSC_0203
Cannabis and rolling paper. Photo: Cristiano von Steinkirch

Living in Delft for about half a year, I was curious to know more about this intriguing question and track the path of marijuana. To start this trip, there is no better place than the famous coffeeshops – commercial establishment known for selling marijuana products, right? No, I was wrong. Behind a thick glass wall and under surveillance cameras, I got disappointed with the repeated answer between excuses: “we are not allowed to speak about it”. In spite of the high cost of the weed, an average of 12 euros per gram, I could not go further than the regular consumption information: price, type of weed, strong or weak. The procedure of acquisition and origin of the herb remained kept within the high security coffeeshop room, contrasting with the urban safety sensation of the Netherlands. However, one of the attendants, sympathizing with my efforts of collecting data for my research, elaborated a little bit more – “all I can say is that hemp business in the Netherlands is weird. We don`t know where it came from and we are not allowed to speak about it”.  Though this initial encounter was a bit foggy, things became clearer afterwards – marijuana and coffeshops in the Netherlands are actually illegal, but tolerated, justifying why the attendants are so precautious.

DSC_0205
Joint lightning. Photo: Cristiano von Steinkirch

Toleration policy in the Netherlands is a historical process, dated from centuries ago. Considered a society of minorities, which means that no social group was large enough to dominated and standardize the whole, the Dutch were forced to deal with their differences to reach common social goals, with the spirit of “live and let it live”. [1] Also, maritime commercials trades, which are the bases of the Dutch history, allowed higher circulation of people and a tolerance attitude that facilitate business relations. In this toleration policy context, the hemp business started at 1976, with the implementation of the new Opium Act, which differentiate hard drugs, such as heroin and cocaine, from soft drugs, such as marijuana. The law fostered the hazy decriminalization for the personal use of soft drugs, given birth the multi-billion hemp business in the Netherlands, that play an important role in tourism (it is estimated that 30% of tourism goes to coffeeshops), as well as reinforces the already romanticized view of freedom in Dutch society.

police-marijuana1
Police empty a marijuana plantation in an ordinary Amsterdam street. Photo: DutchNews.nl Read more at DutchNews.nl:

 

The coffeshops are symbols of this freedom – they represent the liberty of free choice in the Netherlands. However, this freedom narrative is contradicted, as the marijuana illegal status do not allow the society to track the labour and the raw materials used in the production process, neither the waste and other externalities generated by it.  As we follow the materiality of cannabis, we see a different scenario, which is more related the enclosure and surveillance system of coffeeshops, rather than the liberty of choice discourse. In addition, as the dynamics of society changes, even the decriminalization of personal use is threated, as The Hague has just become the first Dutch city in the Netherlands to prohibit the smoking of cannabis in certain public areas[2].  Now the question remains: is the hemp Dutch business a representation of the freedom and liberty of Dutch society or is it business as usual – a multi-billion market which toleration is bound to its profit generation?

hemp
Sorting marijuana in an Amsterdam coffee shop. Photo: Graham Dockery

 

About the author: Cristiano von Steinkirch is Brazilian and an environmental engineer specialized in urban water and sanitation. Currently he is coursing the MSc programme in Water Management and Governance in IHE Delft Institute for Water Education in partnership with UNESCO.

 

[1] “The Limits of ‘Live and Let Live.’” Newsweek, May 14, 2009. Accessed in https://www.government.nl/documents/media-articles/2009/05/25/the-limits-of-live-and-let-live

[2] https://www.theguardian.com/world/2018/apr/16/the-hague-bans-marijuana-smoking-in-city-centre

In my journey about learning socio political ecology, I choose research about social interactions that coexist in markets and its relationship with nature. The dynamic and energy is possible to feel in a market is contagious. This dynamic and social behaviour and how is developed is not new, or at least is not a hipster trendy activity as it is known now for some. The market social behaviour has been part of history societies since the ‘’xx’’ century and it is known that the big markets of the world have been always located where the water was and close to the nature nearby. For this Liang Young explains how all this intercultural relationships that occurs are related with natural behaviours. For example how the markets are design allows the social interactions. In the markets you can feel the sense of sight, hearing, smell touch and this relates in the behaviour of humans, their need of relationships, their need to be social and their need to shape with nature (Liang Yingu 2016).

For this market research, we will understand some of the relations that exist inside Rotterdam and Den Haag markets in the Netherlands.

De Haagse Markt

The market it is known since the XVI century, as a place where you can find unique and imported goods. Den Haag market, is definitely a multicultural venue. You can find people from all nationalities, making a social interaction and shaping different natures. The diversity of informalities are certainly attractive to everyone. As an international place, it has been transformed and is inviting anyone to try different tastes shapes and flavours.

b

Source: Alamy

From the main entrance smaller vendors transform nature so it can be attractive and tasty to anyone. I couldn’t resist myself and I bought a delicious corn, for only €1.

With my corn in hand, I proceed to discover what the market had to offer. To be honest, I was kind of intrigued by the dynamics that I found inside. The first impression was the feeling of a multicultural environment. In the process of observing the environment of the market itself, something caught my attention, there were no Dutch shoppers/visitors.

This perception stayed in my mind while I was continuing my journey. I decided to stop in one of this famous Chesses stands (something that would never can be missed in the Netherlands). After a nice conversation with a young lady, I began to understand some social interactions. This young lady was originally from Aruba (Constituent contry of the Netherlands).  I ask her about her clients. She told me her main clients are from Aruba and Curacao. But not many Dutch clients. This triggered me more.

I continued in search of the answer of my question, and I found the fish spot, (another essential food that is sold in any Dutch market). Here I was able to have a talk with a nice Morocco guy. Intrigued by the now notoriously absent of Dutch people, I asked him why?

IMG_8081[1]

Source: The author.

He said everything has been changing for the last 15 years that he has been working there. ‘’Dutch people no longer visit the market as much as they used to do”. Now they have moved away from Den Haag. “Is too much noise now, many movement, too much people working, Dutch do not like this, that’s why they moved out” Here I found my answer of how nature is shaping society. All this noisy and crowd nature that now days is in Den Haag centre, is shaping the society that we could found in the so famous and unique Den Haag Market. But also I understood that this society also shape the way nature is presented.

 

Different nature displace in Den Haag Market.

Markthal Rotterdam

In this adventurous research trying to understand the simplicity and complexity of Political Ecology, I date with myself on a Saturday and travelled to Rotterdam Market. Not wondering why now days, the markets have become a fashion trendy.

 ‘’Rotterdam, in the development process of high density urban state, started to find the original nature of city characteristics from downtown area” In contrast to the control, without any involvement in planning and design, the natural growth space fun is the result of chance, strict control will spaces obliterated the ego and personality, and completely free of growth also has its drawbacks. The display way of Modern community food stores and supermarkets provide a reference for the new style, they through the object shape, color, size, texture, price and biological characteristics are classified and placed” (Liang Yingu, 2016).

IMG_8188[1]

Source: The author.

Just to give a little perspective about what Rotterdam Market is like. The market is not behind of what characterize the architecture of the City of Rotterdam. The infrastructure of the market itself is an art. The artists Arno Coenen and Iris Roskam complete the impressive mural you can see inside the market infrastructure. The mural is called ‘’Horn of plenty”. And here we can go back, to what I was explaining in the introduction, the markets try to show a strong spatial richness and flavour of life (Liang Yingu, 2016).

One of my first shopping’s was a tropical and trendy fruit. (I usually don’t buy tropical fruits to lower my carbon emissions). I bought this tasty pineapple, with a trendy label. ‘’Super Sweet” ‘’Sweet Golden’’ For my surprise it really was. (No one knows how many chemicals were there so I was able to taste the gold sweetness of Costa Rica).

IMG_8226[1]

All the products in this market where sell like trendy. I found the same characteristics for the spots for Cheese and Fish. (Take a look of the photos).

Different nature displace in Rotterdam Market

Personally I have always liked to visit the markets. I remember that I used to go with my grandma when I was 4 years old to the unpredictably market tour. But not until I began to write this blog that I started to ask myself, why I used to enjoyed the experience that much.  Looking back and being real, the place was kind of chaotic, dirty, noisy, people screaming to each other and not at all any sanitation practices involved. No matter that, I simply love it. But why? Is this nature social interaction in the markets allows different kind of scenes to be felt?

Markets allows many interactions, sometimes without the normal stereotypes that other places of the urban society does not allow. And it allow it because market are exactly this. A space where you are allow to be chaotic, disorganized, artistic. Everyone enjoy the daily interaction. Thinking about the science of the nature that is behind, it is now days known that this interactions creates a relaxation in the social behaviour or to say it other words society is using the nature to create beneficial relationships between each other. (Liang Yingyu, 2016).  What I found? The same products? I can even say the same prices! But the envelope of the products and how they were presented was different. Were completely 2 different ways of informalities. Society shaping the way nature is presenting.

In the other hand, nature also shapes the kind of society. For example In Den Haag market it was difficult to find Dutch people. You can find more people from Aruba, Curacao, Morocco. The way how the urban nature has developed in the big city is changing the society. But what happened In Rotterdam market, this trendy nature that was created, shaped the multicultural society that visit the market. You can find both Dutch and international people, interacting in this space of nature created for this society. It was impossible to not note, how the nature was packed and presented differently in the Market Hall, fancy and trendy, again the nature was transformed to be attractive to the public.  Even if the nature was the same, the way it was presented was more fancy and trendy, and the nature was transformed for the public.

Analyzing Markets through its nature and the urban informalities is then possible to understand the new social interactions.

References

Yingyu, L. (2016). Research on the Construction of Urban Market space order. (Master), Politecnico di MIlano, Italy.

About the author: Lucia Garcia, is a social biologist, currentrly studing Water Management and Governance with specialization of conflict resolution in IHE-Delft the Netherlands.

Living in a city comes with lifestyles created for the functioning and identity formation of city actors and its citizens. They portray how modern one has become by undertaking that lifestyle. Indeed one such lifestyle is associated with chocolate. Occasions such as Valentine and Easter are linked with the giving of chocolates as signs of showing love.  The celebration of Valentine’s Day, Easter have been synonymous with the use of chocolates within Dutch communities.

easteregg_hero

Source: www.google.nl/search?q=easter+eggs&source

Their use has created a certain lifestyle which identifies one as being from a city and also seen as a “modern” citizen. The use of chocolates shows how much you love or care about someone.  The increase of this lifestyle has led to the institutionalization of chocolatier competitions such as Benelux Chocolatier Competition organised in big cities of the North such as Brussels and Amsterdam.

Cocoa also known as Theobroma cacao meaning the ‘food of the gods’, originated from the rainforests of Central America where on “modern maps, southern Mexico Yucatan peninsula, Guatemala, Belize, El Salvador and Honduras are located”(Bond, 2011). Bond explains that “The discovery and early use of cocoa are intimately linked with the ancient cultures of these areas – the Olmec’s (1500–400 bc), Mayans culture (250–900 ad) and later the Aztecs (ca. 800 AD to mid-sixteenth century)”.

history_map2

Enter a captionhttps://www.google.nl/search?q=history+of+cocoa&source

The Mayans first started using the cocoa as a drink for its elites to the extent that the beans were used as currency(Bond, 2011). This cash crop has maintained its importance in society from being cultivated in countries in West Africa to importing countries like the Netherlands. Being able to produce much more tonnes a year reflects in the foreign exchange a  country earns. The International Cocoa Organisation (ICCO), 2018 quotes the price of cocoa at $2386.23 per tonne as at the 16 of July 2018.

“The Netherlands used to be the world’s main importer of cocoa beans having lost the spot to Belgium in 2016 and the second largest cocoa grinder” Ministry of Foreign Affairs, CBI 2017.    The Dutch ministry of Foreign affairs states that the Dutch spend around 23 euros per capita on chocolate products in 2015 and the Dutch are noted to have increased exports of semi-finished cocoa products between 2014 and 2015 by 6%. The ministry also reports in 2015 that trend watchers in the Netherlands say ‘the Dutch increasingly want a high-quality chocolate and are willing to pay for that quality”. This makes chocolate making one of the urban lifestyles of luxury in the Dutch society. Being inquisitive enough, I decided to investigate where the cocoa used in Delft comes from. The city of Delft is noted to have some of the best chocolate firms in the Netherlands. Visiting the chocolate firm of Van Der Burgh I asked: “where does your cocoa come from “? The woman happily said “Ivory coast”.  This confirms the information by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, CBI 2017 that, The Netherlands imports roughly 85% of cocoa beans from West Africa and some from Latin America.

Main Suppliers of  Cocoa Beans to the Netherlands in 2O16

Capture

The city of Delft boasts of one of the best chocolate firms in the Netherlands which is not only handmade and of high quality, but also hand packaged. To Van Der Burgh, ‘chocolate must always be a present”. This ideology has enabled the firm to carve a brand for itself, having evolved from a small beginning to their present-day location in the historic city centre. Being a tourist destination that attracts all kinds of people from different countries.

 

 

Delft is increasingly becoming a market for different nationalities. The historic city centre boasts of hosting social events and markets that invites people of all walks of life. The citing of this small handmaid chocolate firm is not only patronised by the Dutch but all manner of people from different cultures. This brand has catapulted them into having cooperation with Michelin Star Chef Niven Kunz, who is seen as the best ‘vegetable chef” in the Netherlands. Again the company can boast of another cooperation with KLM enabling them to serve passengers with the best of chocolate by Van Der Burgh.

 

 

Africa during the colonial times produced raw materials for industries in the global north and such was Cocoa. As remnants of colonization, West African countries produce two-thirds of the world’s cocoa beans. With the Ivory Coast being the first and Ghana taking the second highest exporter according to the International Cocoa Organisation (ICCO) 2017, cocoa Barometer. For cocoa to be exported, it needs strategic preparation by both farmers and governments of the two countries to ensure maximum yields. In Ghana, the Ghana Cocoa Board borrows to buy the cocoa from the farmers for exports.

Mars-patent-for-processing-unfermented-cocoa-beans_wrbm_largeSource:https://www.google.nl/searchtbm=isch&sa=1&ei=bNtJWv1Dq2dlwTAw5roAg&q=fermentation+of+cocoa+beans
large_article_im298_Cocoa_beansSource:https://www.google.nl/search?q=west+africa+cocoa+production&source
492761837Source:https://www.google.nl/search?q=cocoa+drying+in+ghana

Before the cocoa is being exported, it needs to go through a process of fermentation for some days before drying. This fermentation is important to have a certain quality of beans. Traditionally designed mats made of bamboo serves as driers which makes it easier to fold when the rains are about to fall. The drying takes about two weeks before a farmer can sell it to the cocoa buyers in the various villages.

cocoa

The coming of such an industry has encouraged migration from the northern part of Ghana to the southwestern region where the climate favours the growing of cocoa plants. The situation has led to the problem of encroaching originally forest and game reserves for the planting of cocoa trees. This region has been the highest cocoa producing region since 1985/86 crop season till date (Ghana Cocoa Board, 2017). This situation led to the involvement of child labour on cocoa farms which surfaced in the 2000s and become a worldwide issue for prominent business firms(Schrage & Ewing, 2005) According to Mighty Earth in 2017 that about 2.1m hectares and 820,000 hectares of forests were cleared in Cote d’Ivoire and Ghana respectively due to cocoa production over the decade.

Top-chocolate-players-detail-how-they-plan-to-end-cocoa-deforestation_wrbm_largeSource:- https://www.confectionerynews.com/Article/2017/11/16/Top-chocolate-players-detail-how-they-plan-to-end-cocoa-deforestation

Creating a city lifestyle in itself creates opportunities not only in that city but also for the countries from which it gets its raw materials.  To be able to maximize the benefits this endeavour brings, Countries in such situations should have had measures to regulate and monitor what happens in this industry. The lifestyle associated with chocolate in cities like Delft should create positive consequences for cities where the cocoa is grown in West Africa. The question is, must this lifestyle be at the expense of Forest and game reserves or innocent children drawn into child labour? After over a century of producing cocoa for this lifestyle living in the global north, should Ghana and Cote d’Ivoire be talking about Forest encroachment and child labour issues at this time?

 

About the Author:
George Blankson Appah is an Economist currently studying  Water Management And Governance at IHE-Delft, The Netherlands

 

References:

Bond, T. J. (2011). The origins of tea, coffee and cocoa as beverages. Tea, cocoa and coffee: plant secondary metabolites and health. Wiley-Blackwell Publishing, Oxford, 1-24.
Schrage, E. J., & Ewing, A. P. (2005). The cocoa industry and child labour. Journal of Corporate Citizenship(18).
http://www.google.nl/search?q=easter+eggs&source
https://www.google.nl/search?q=history+of+cocoa&source
https://www.cbi.eu/countries/netherlands/
https://www.icco.org/statistics/cocoa-prices/daily-prices.html
https://www.vanderburghchocolaad.nl/c-1237318/shop/

 

The tourist guide holding the flag high of his travel agency confidently describes the history of the brick-lined water canal through his rehearsed sermonic narratives in Delft, Netherlands. The flash and the clicks capture the linear canals in the frame, occasionally spotting the ‘Mallard’ and the ‘Ruddy’ Duck. These Mallards swim during summer and skate during winters. Countless videos can be found on the YouTube showing the mother duck waddling with her babies through the Delft houses reaching to the celebrated Dutch network of water canals. The ducks, an intrinsic part of the canal culture, are very much hard to miss. This blog looks at the ‘overseas’ ducks acclimatizing to the Dutch way of life and in turn making the Dutch citizens accustomed to them!

Duck, who tamed the citizens

A foreign student like me, who has been living in Delft for over six months, finds the Mallards homogenous to these brick-lined canals. These ducks not just survive on the bread scraps fed by the people, but they are also familiar with the timing of their masters arriving with food. These wild urbanised ducks have tamed the citizens which keeps up to their meal routines. A quick search of these species throws out information of how they prefer to live in swamps and thrive on slimy worms and plant material from the surface of the pond. The frozen period does not worry them, as they are well taken care of by the citizens themselves. Such is the relation! This ownership, a sense of belonging by the citizens towards the ducks is surprising, especially when one realises that these ducks are not even from Holland, well they came from North America!

Travelling Duck

Duck, who travelled

The Ruddy Duck was introduced into Europe from North America by humans, and the aggressive nature of this duck made it known as an invasive species. The Mallard Duck too travelled to a great extent. Some conjectural history suggests that this duck was first seen in Egypt, later, the Spaniards got it into Europe, and rest is history. The Romans relished the roasted duck meat and continued rearing them. Not until the 19th century did people realize that eggs taste well too!

Today the canals of the Netherlands are incomplete without ducks in it. This invasive species affect the endangered local ‘white-headed’ ducks. It is close to becoming extinct. But many biologists explain that getting extinct is part of nature as well. At present, it is difficult to imagine living with dinosaurs, great mammoths and the dodo. It is actually the static-ness in nature what one must be worried about. There is even a chance of this Ruddy Duck to form a hybrid with the white-headed duck to something that Jelle Reumer coined “Ruddy white-headed duck”. In coming years, we might have an evolved species of the multi-coloured duck waddling fiercely in the man-made canals, while the Dutch citizens feed them with organic wheat bread. This fascinating foreign bird may then again travel around the globe proliferating the wetlands of Sundarbans in Asia to the Amazon Basin in South America. Imagine, this avian Dutch hybrid may soon pursue the route that their colonizer fathers took! Interesting isn’t it?

Hybrid Ducks

 

Duck, the brand

While we galore at this marvellous species making its presence felt throughout the country, it is interesting to compare this object with the rest that is adding to Dutch imageries, namely – Tulips and the Delftware. The Tulips itself is the reason for many global travellers to visit the Netherlands, and the blue-white porcelain-ware is a preferred souvenir. And like the ducks, these two are also imported! Tulips came from Turkey and Delftware from China, which is now commodifying the global tourism of this country. After some more digging, I found out that the Netherlands does not officially have any national bird, but after a democratic bird poll, the favourite that was picked was (black-tailed) Godwit, which is found in the polders. Once more, a man-made habitat ‘constructing’ the environment for this bird, (and again), not originally from Holland!

Souvenirs

Duck, the language

This American duck does not portray as a misfit to the everyday spectators unless examined by a certain kind of biologist. Biologist, who is fighting against this globalisation wave, and trying to save the indigenous. Ironically, the masses that seem to have accepted the duck as a part of the culture also coined this phrase “vreemde eend in de bijt”, which literally means “a strange duck in the pack”. I suppose it is the adaptability of this foreign ‘strangeness’ that makes Dutch, Dutch, eventually making the Mallard and Ruddy Duck as their own.

i love strange ducks

Duck, the exotic object

K Piël from Amsterdam in his article which was a reply to a feature in the Trouw newspaper explained the Dutch attitude towards the ‘exotics’. The English exterminated the Ruddy Duck from the habitat in order to check the balance of its original species, whereas the Dutch urban ecologist Remco Slder feels we must accept the change in the eco-system along with modified species. He states, “We must accept man as a spread factor”. These contradictory attitudes coming from once-upon-a-time colonizers tells a lot of their current positionalities towards ‘nature’ (and how much the duck has situated itself in their day-to-day life!). The takeaway from this debate is what exactly is nature according to these two countries?

What constructs their imaginations?

Could the duck’s migration to the Netherlands have been avoided?

Is it unnatural for a foreign duck to adapt to manmade (dykes and canals) eco-system?

And then, is it strange for the citizens to celebrate its presence and habituate their life around it?

Evolution

While we ponder at these questions, one thing is sure that these ducks have definitely travelled a long way to become Dutch, and so has the Dutch citizen adapted towards the global culture brought in by these foreign birds!

 

About the Author

Neha Mungekar is an urban designer and photo-journalist from India, currently studying Water Management and Governance in IHE Delft Institute for Water Education in partnership with UNESCO.

 

References

Heynen, N., Kaika, M., & Swyngedouw, E. (2005). Urban political ecology politicizing the production of urban natures. In In the Nature of Cities: Urban Political Ecology and the Politics of Urban Metabolism (pp. 1-20).

Holland: Your Official Guide for visiting Holland (2018) History of tulips in Holland. Retrieved from https://www.holland.com/global/tourism/discover-holland/traditional/tulips/history-of-tulips-in-holland.htm. Accessed on 17th July 2018

Le Corbeiller, C. (1968). China into Delft: A Note on Visual Translation. The Metropolitan Museum of Art Bulletin, 26(6), 269-276. doi:10.2307/325862

Marzluff, J. M. (2014, October 9). Birdland: Human sprawl is usually a threat to wildlife, but birds buck the trend. Can we help biodiversity take wing in our suburbs? Retrieved from https://aeon.co/essays/how-urbanisation-can-be-a-friend-to-the-biodiversity-of-birds. Accessed on 17th July 2018

Omlet. (2018) Where Did It All Begin? Retrieved from https://www.omlet.co.uk/guide/ducks/about_ducks/history. Accessed on 17th July 2018

Reumer, J. W. F., Runia, A. P., & Museum, N. (2014). Ruddy Ducks. Wildlife in Rotterdam: Nature in the City: Natuurhistorisch Museum. (pp 54-60)

True Nature Foundation. (2015, November 6). National Bird of The Netherlands. Retrieved from https://truenaturefoundation.org/conservation/national-bird-of-the-netherlands/. Accessed on 17th July 2018

->Portuguese

This post is the result of fieldwork carried out in December 2017 in the city of Pemba, in the neighborhoods of Alto-Gingone, Cariacó and Natite. It describes how the socioeconomic characteristics of households, together with the climatic conditions of the city, can contribute to the proliferation of Aedes aegipty mosquitoes.

In recent years the province of Cabo Delgado has been receiving investments in several areas such as tourism and mining. These new investments have contributed to economic growth and improved living standards for some of the province’s population. Meanwhile, at the same pace as the economy of the province grows, the social problems in its capital the city of Pemba are growing too. In search of better living conditions, many families have migrated from the various districts of the province into Pemba, however, due to housing unavailability and lack of quality water and sanitation infrastructure, these families end up living in inadequate conditions. Most of them have to start building informal settlements. New migrants also face economic problems due to the high cost of living, as Pemba is considered the most expensive city in Mozambique.

The conventional building materials such as concrete, stone and adobe, are among the most expensive products marketed in the city. Many households can not afford o build a house with these materials. Alternatively households use available local materials to build their homes, materials such as clay, stones, bamboo and the inner part of car and truck tires.  The inner part of the tire is removed and cut into thin strips (see Fig. 1) which are used in the construction to join the bamboo and lift the walls  that are then coated with clay or cement. After having removed this part, the tires are discarded and they are used by the children as toys with which they play in the streets and in the backyards of the houses. When children get tired of playing the tires are left in the blocks’ backyards (see Fig. 2).

a

Strips made from the inner part of tires that are used in the construction of houses in Pemba

b

Tires in the backyards of Alto-Gingone

In some homes the tires are also used as locks for doors that give access to the yard as a way to prevent thieves from entering the yard and house. When they go to sleep, the families lean the tires on the doors, standing or lying down, so that whoever is outside the house can not open the door or, in case the person can, the tire makes enough noise to wake them up.

In rainy weeks, which are common in the city throughout the year, the tires dropped in the backyard can become breeding pools for Aedes aegipty . The female mosquitoes can lay their eggs inside the tires, which are filled with water after each rain. During my ethnography I  observed many tires in the streets and backyards of the neighborhoods, with not only water but also mosquito larvae inside (see Fig. 3).

Tire filled with rain water in Alto-Gingone

Besides water storage containers located in and around households, tires are also contributing to the appearance and proliferation of the mosquito in this part of the country.

By Amanda Matabele

Uso de pneus como material de construção e surgimento de focos do Aedes Aegipty na cidade de Pemba

O presente texto é resultante de um trabalho de campo realizado em Dezembro de 2017, na cidade de Pemba, nos bairros de Alto-Gingone, Cariacó e Natite e descreve como a condição socioeconómica dos agregados, aliada às condições climáticas da cidade, pode contribuir para que estes estejam expostos à doenças transmitidas pelo Aedes Aegipty.

Nos últimos anos a província de Cabo Delgado tem vindo a receber investimentos em várias áreas como o turismo e a indústria extractiva, o que contribuiu para o crescimento económico e a melhoria de nível de vida da população daquela província. Entretanto ao mesmo ritmo que cresce a economia da província e, principalmente, da cidade capital, Pemba, agudizam-se os problemas sociais nesta cidade. A procura de melhores condições de vida, muitas famílias migram dos vários distritos da província para o centro da cidade entretanto, devido aos problemas de habitação e a falta de saneamento básico, estas famílias acabam por viver em condições pouco adequadas. Estes problemas agudizam-se devido ao alto custo de vida que a cidade tem, a cidade é considerada a cidade mais cara do país devido ao preço dos produtos que são relativamente maiores.

O material de construção convencional como cimento, pedra e areia, está entre os produtos mais caros comercializados na cidade. Muitos agregados não conseguem dinheiro suficiente para custear a construção de uma casa com esse material. Como alternativa os agregados utilizam o material local para construírem as suas casas, materiais como o barro, pedra, bambú e a parte interna de pneus de carros e camiões que são predominantes naquela cidade. A parte interna do pneu é retirada e cortada em tiras finas (ver Fig. 1) que são usadas na construção para unir o bambú e levantar as paredes e os muros que depois são revestidos por barro ou cimento. Depois de ser retirada esta parte, os pneus são descartados e passam a ser usados pelas crianças como brinquedos com os quais brincam pelas ruas e nos quintais das casas. Quando as crianças se cansam de brincar os pneus largados nos quintais das casas (ver Fig. 2).

Nalgumas casas os pneus são também usados como trancas para as portas que dão acesso ao quintal como forma de evita a entrada de ladrões no interior do quintal e da casa. Quando vão dormir, os agregados encostam os pneus as portas, de pé ou deitados, para que quem esteja do lado de fora da casa, não consiga abrir a porta ou para que, no caso de a pessoa conseguir, a porta faça um barulho suficiente para acordá-los.

Com a chuva e as altas temperaturas que se fazem sentir na cidade, os pneus largados no quintal podem virar criadouros do Aedes Aegipty. A fêmea do mosquito pode depositar os seus ovos no interior do pneu, que depois das chuvas fica cheio de água, pode reproduzir-se e posteriormente infectar os residentes da casa ou do bairro pela dengue através de picadas. Durante a recolha de dados foi possível ver vários pneus nas ruas e quintais dos bairros com água e larvas no seu interior (ver Fig. 3).

No caso da idade de Pemba é necessário que se tenha uma atenção redobrada para a questão do uso de pneus pois estes também podem ser fundamentais para o surgimento e o aumento de focos do Aedes Aegipty, o que pode aumentar e agravar os casos de Dengue naquele ponto do País.

Por Amanda Matabele

->Portuguese

On the 6th of November 2017 I embarked in a journey to the city of Maputo, Mozambique. I travelled to this emblematic city located in a beautiful bay of the Indian Ocean with the intention of understanding water-storage practices in the city, and researching whether these relate to the re-surgence of Aedes mosquitoes in Mozambique. Since the moment I decided this was going to be my MSc research topic, I read everything I could on the city colonisation, urbanisation, and water-services context. Furthermore, I was also trying to correlate these contexts with certain ideas I had on aquatic habitats for mosquitoes. As much as my head could compile the published information and draw images from the many historical documents of the city, nothing prepared me to the experience of the city, being there, walking, getting lost, talking to people, living the city from a first-hand experience.

Methodologically, I knew that my thesis would have to consider the social connotations of water storage, alongside the aquatic habitat assessment of water-containers. I am a biologist, so from my ideas of what a habitat is, how it establishes, and the characteristics it may portray I was ready to evaluate these characteristics in the city. However, as I walked the city and started talking to people, communities, researchers, and health-specialists from Maputo, I found that exploring Aedes aegypti’s habitats in a city like Maputo was going to challenge my preconceived ideas of what a habitat is, and how nature occurs in rich social contexts.

Due to water shortages and service challenges faced by small water providers and by the National Water and Sanitation Company FIPAG, intermittence is the common rule, hence water-storage is a collective practice in Maputo. Residents of the city have water readily available in multiple ways, whether it is through direct connections to the water utility, independent water providers, via water-tanks, resale, or communal kiosks. However, as I zoomed in to some particular contexts and neighbourhoods of the city, I found that water availability is experienced and materialised differently. For example, large water tanks found in formal spaces, like Polana cimento, allows residents in these areas to store water in bulk and accumulate it in perpetuity. Conversely, smaller water buckets in informal places like Chamanculo, make water less available throughout the day for the residents of this neighbourhood. This provides an interesting outlook on how formality and informality in the urbanisation process of a city like Maputo, translates to different daily routines of water-storage.

Experiences and materialisation of water service intermittence concur with emergence of aquatic habitats for mosquitoes like Aedes aegypti. While water intermittence determines water-storage practices, water quality parameters like temperature, pH, electrical conductivity, organic material, and light intensity come into place to complicate the water-container. Stored water rapidly transforms into an aquatic habitat not only for mosquitoes, but to a myriad of microorganisms that are harmful for human health.

By Angela Bayona

Significados sociais e ecológicos de recipientes de água

No dia 6 de Novembro de 2017, embarquei numa viagem para a cidade de Maputo, Moçambique. Eu viajei para esta cidade emblemática localizada em uma bela baía do Oceano Índico com a intenção de entender as práticas de armazenamento de água na cidade, e pesquisando se estas se relacionam com a ressurgência de mosquitos Aedes em Moçambique. Desde o momento em que decidi que este seria meu tópico de pesquisa de mestrado, fiz a revisão de artigos sobre a colonização da cidade, a urbanização e o contexto dos serviços de água. Além disso, eu também estava tentando correlacionar esses contextos com certas idéias que tinha sobre habitats aquáticos para mosquitos. Por mais que minha cabeça pudesse compilar as informações publicadas e desenhar imagens dos muitos documentos históricos da cidade, nada me preparou para a experiência da cidade, estando lá, andando, me perdendo, conversando com as pessoas, vivendo a cidade de uma experiência pessoal.

Metodologicamente, eu sabia que minha tese teria que considerar as conotações sociais do armazenamento de água, juntamente com a avaliação do habitat aquático de recipientes de água. Sou bióloga de formação e, por isso, pelas minhas ideias sobre o que é um habitat, como ele se estabelece e as características que pode apresentar, senti-me pronta para avaliar essas características na cidade. No entanto, enquanto caminhava pela cidade e comecei a falar com pessoas, comunidades, investigadores e especialistas de saúde de Maputo, descobri que explorar os habitats do Aedes aegypti numa cidade como Maputo iria desafiar as minhas ideias preconcebidas sobre o que é um habitat, e como a natureza ocorre em contextos sociais ricos.

Devido à escassez de água e aos desafios de serviço enfrentados pelos pequenos fornecedores de água e pelo Fundo de Investimento e Património do Abastecimento de Água FIPAG, a intermitência é a regra comum, pelo que o armazenamento de água é uma prática colectiva em Maputo. Os moradores da cidade têm água prontamente disponível de várias maneiras, seja por meio de conexões diretas com a concessionária de água, fornecedores independentes de água, via tanques de água, revenda ou quiosques comunitários. No entanto, à medida que ampliava alguns contextos e bairros particulares da cidade, descobri que a disponibilidade de água é experimentada e se materializa de maneira diferente. Por exemplo, grandes tanques de água encontrados em espaços formais, como no bairro da Polana cimento, permitem que os moradores dessas áreas armazenem água a granel e a acumulem por muito tempo. Por outro lado, pequenos baldes de água em lugares informais como o bairro de Chamanculo, tornam a água menos disponível durante o dia para os moradores deste bairro. Isto fornece uma perspectiva interessante de como a formalidade e a informalidade no processo de urbanização de uma cidade como Maputo, se traduzem em diferentes rotinas diárias de armazenamento de água.

Experiências e materialização da intermitência do serviço de água coincidem com o surgimento de habitats aquáticos para mosquitos como o Aedes aegypti. Enquanto a intermitência da água determina as práticas de armazenamento de água, os parâmetros de qualidade da água, como temperatura, pH, condutividade elétrica, material orgânico e intensidade de luz, são utilizados para complicar o recipiente de água. A água armazenada se transforma rapidamente em um habitat aquático não apenas para os mosquitos, mas para uma miríade de microrganismos prejudiciais à saúde humana.

Por Angela Bayona

->Portuguese

Gathering with male community members. Alto-Gingone, November 2017

During the discussions held by the research team of the project, it was suspected that women would be vulnerable to Aedes aegypti mosquitoes. This because these mosquitoes frequently bite inside households and during morning hours and (we thought) many women stay home during the day. However, after traveling to Pemba and conducting house to house ethnographic work in the low-income neighborhood of Cariacó, one of the neighborhoods that was most affected by the dengue epidemic, I was struck by the number of young men who were at home during the day. Young men stayed home during the mornings and afternoons hanging around the house, in the living room watching television or in the small porches sitting on top of the beds (beds made of sisal and wood). These young spent their days chatting and playing on their high-end mobile phones.

On the basis of a conversations with some of these young men, it was possible to know that a large part of the youngsters finished the average level of general education and could not find a formal job. Some of the youngsters engage in temporary jobs that provide immediate cash payments, accompanying tourists in the city and showing them the main sights, especially the beaches. In addition to these young men I also observed the presence of some children who gave up school. In conversations some of them justified their decision arguing that “studying is very difficult”. I also noticed the presence of elderly women sitting in the living rooms or on the porches. Based on these observations, it was possible to reflect on the difference between the ideas we made before going to the field and what was really going on the ground. While most women were outside working, young men were hanging out around the house.

 By Margarida Paulo

Quem é vulnerável de contrair dengue no bairro de Cariacó, cidade de Pemba?

Durante as discussões da equipe de pesquisa do projecto: “Dengue, Água e Agregados Familiares” suspeitou-se que as mulheres estariam vulneráveis ao mosquito causador da dengue, porque grande parte de mulheres ficam em casa durante o dia. A partir de observações realizadas nos agregados familiares, no bairro de Cariacó, em Pemba, durante o period entre 07-13 de Dezembro de 2017, chamou-me a atenção a quantidade de jovens de sexo masculino que se encontravam em casa durante o dia, na sala de estar a assistir televisão ou nos pequenos alpendres sentados por cima de quitantas (camas construídas de fios de sisal e madeira). Estes jovem mexiam em seus telemóveis que curiosamente são de alta qualidade.

Com base numa rapida conversa com alguns desses jovens foi possivel saber que grande parte dos jovens terminou o nível médio do ensino geral e não conseguiu arranjar emprego formal. Alguns dos jovens fazem biscatos (trabalhos temporários que dão dinheiro imediato) quando aparecem turistas na cidade que os acompanham para mostrar os locais turísticos da cidade de Pemba, especialmente as praias. Para além desses jovens também observei a presença de algumas crianças que desistiram de estudar, que na conversa com algumas delas justificaram que estudar é difícil. Tambem observei a presença de mulheres idosas sentadas na sala de estar ou entao na varanda. Com base nessas observações foi possível reflectir sobre a diferença que existe entre as ideias que elaboramos antes de ir ao campo e o que realmente ocorre no terreno.

Por Margarida Paulo

->Portuguese

Aedes aegypti, water, and households: chasing the mosquitos in the Urban South

In 2014 and 2015 various outbreaks of dengue were reported in Mozambique. In countries of Latin America and the Caribbean, such as Colombia, there have also been outbreaks of dengue, zika and chikungunya. High percentages of Aedes aegypti, the mosquito that most effectively transmits these diseases, were found in cities such as Pemba, Maputo, Barranquilla, and Buenaventura. Dengue, zika and chikungunya, and their transmission vector, mosquito Aedes aegypti are tied to water as this mosquito lays eggs in stored water in or around households. After they breed they do not always parade through the city like other mosquitos, but they hide inside households, behind doors and corners (Higa et al., 2015).

Besides being tied to water, Aedes aegypti are also tied to climate change. Studies have warned of the possibility that climate change might increase the likelihood of diseases spread by insects in new areas , as temperature can affect the distribution of the mosquito and the effectiveness of the virus transmission and rainfall can increase surface water (providing breeding sites for more mosquitos) (Hunter, 2003). The pattern of dengue’s spread has changed through the years, as the mosquito has adapted to new processes of economic, political, and social change (Higa et al., 2015; Nading, 2012, 2014).

By staying close to humans and adapting its biting periods to those of human activities, female mosquitoes can develop and lay eggs in aquatic habitats easily found in cities (Beaty et al., 2016; Gubler, 2011). Stagnant or stored water buckets, tanks, drums, cisterns, flower vases, pools, tires, and other man-made containers provide the needed cultivation habitat, where larvae will develop shortly into adult versions of the mosquito. This project uses an ethnographic approach to study households, water supply availability, intermittence and distribution, and document politics and everyday community strategies to obtain and store water. It focuses on the interdependence between intermittent water supply, deficient solid waste collection, and the Aedes aegypti. It also takes into account the different legacies left by civil wars and rural crises on processes of unequal urbanization. It doing so, the project engages with multiple actors: local and national regulators and state officials, water services providers, non-governmental organizations, and the different communities in the cities’ neighbourhoods.

References

Beaty, B. J., Black, W. C., Eisen, L., Flores, A. E., García-Rejón, J. E., Loroño-Pino, M., & Saavedra-Rodriguez, K. (2016). The intensifying storm: domestication of Aedes aegypti, urbanization of arboviruses, and emerging insecticide resistance. In B.G. Health (Ed.),Forum on Microbial Threats. Global Health Impacts of Vector-Borne Diseases: Workshop Summary. Washington: National Academies Press.

Gubler, D. (2011). Dengue, Urbanization and Globalization: The Unholy Trinity of the 21st Century. Tropical Medicine and Health, 39 (4), 3–11.

Higa et al. (2015). Abundant Aedes (Stegomyia) aegypti aegypti mosquitoes in the 2014 dengue outbreak area of Mozambique. Tropical Medicine and Health, [Advance Publication] Released 2015/01/19.

Hunter, P. R. (2003). Climate change and waterborne and vector-borne disease. Journal of Applied  Microbiology, 94, 38S-46S.

Nading, A. M. (2012). DENGUE MOSQUITOES ARE SINGLE MOTHERS: Biopolitics Meets Ecological Aesthetics in NicaraguanCommunity Health Work.Cultural Anthropology, 27 (4), 572–596

Nading, A. M. (2014). Mosquito Trails: Ecology, Health, and the Politics of Entanglement. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Aedes aegypti, água e Agregados familiares: Perseguindo os mosquitos no Sul Urbano

Em 2014 e 2015, vários surtos de dengue foram relatados em Moçambique. Nos países da América Latina e do Caribe, como a Colômbia, também houve surtos de dengue, zika e chikungunya. As altas percentagens de Aedes aegypti, o mosquito que transmite mais eficazmente essas doenças, foram encontradas em cidades como Pemba, Maputo, Barranquilla e Buenaventura.
Dengue, zika e chikungunya, e seu vetor de transmissão, o mosquito Aedes aegypti estão associados à água, pois este mosquito coloca ovos em água armazenada dentro dos agregados familiares. Depois de porem ovos, os mosquitos nem sempre passam pela cidade como outros mosquitos, mas se escondem dentro dos agregados familiares, atrás de portas e cantos (Higa et al., 2015). Além de estarem associados à água, Aedes aegypti também está ligada à mudança climática. Estudos alertaram sobre a possibilidade de que as mudanças climáticas possam aumentar a probabilidade de doenças transmitidas por insetos em novas áreas, dado que a temperatura pode afetar a distribuição do mosquito e a eficácia da transmissão do vírus e as chuvas podem aumentar a água superficial (criando locais de reprodução para mais mosquitos) (Hunter, 2003).

O padrão de disseminação da dengue mudou ao longo dos anos, dado que o mosquito se adaptou a novos processos de mudança econômica, política e social (Higa et al., 2015; Nading, 2012, 2014). Ao ficar perto dos seres humanos e adaptar-se aos seus períodos de mordida às atividades humanas, os mosquitos femininos podem desenvolver e colocar ovos em habitats aquáticos facilmente encontrados nas cidades (Beaty et al., 2016; Gubler, 2011). A água estagnada, os baldes de água armazenados, tanques, tambores, cisternas, vasos de flores, piscinas, pneus e outros recipientes artificiais fornecem o habitat de reprodução necessária, onde as larvas se desenvolverão em pouco tempo em versões adultas do mosquito.

Este projeto usa uma abordagem etnográfica para estudar os agregados familiares, a disponibilidade de água, intermitência e distribuição e documentar políticas e estratégias comunitárias diárias para obter e armazenar água. O projecto se concentra na interdependência entre o abastecimento de água intermitente, a coleta de resíduos sólidos e o Aedes aegypti. O projecto também leva em conta os diferentes legados deixados pelas guerras civis e crises rurais em processos de urbanização desigual. Ao fazê-lo, o projeto envolve múltiplos atores: reguladores locais e nacionais e funcionários do Estado, provedores de serviços de água, organizações não-governamentais e as diferentes comunidades nos bairros das cidades.

Referências bibliográficas

Beaty, B. J., Black, W. C., Eisen, L., Flores, A. E., García-Rejón, J. E., Loroño-Pino, M., & Saavedra-Rodriguez, K. (2016). The intensifying storm: domestication of Aedes aegypti, urbanization of arboviruses, and emerging insecticide resistance. In B. o. G. Health (Ed.), Forum on Microbial Threats. Global Health Impacts of Vector-Borne Diseases: Workshop Summary. . Washington: National Academies Press.

Gubler, D. (2011). Dengue, Urbanization and Globalization: The Unholy Trinity of the 21st Century. Tropical Medicine and Health, 39(4), 3–11.

Higa et al. (2015). Abundant Aedes (Stegomyia) aegypti aegypti mosquitoes in the 2014 dengue outbreak area of Mozambique. Tropical Medicine and Health, [Advance Publication] Released 2015/01/19.

Hunter, P. R. (2003). Climate change and waterborne and vector-borne disease. Journal of Applied Microbiology, 94, 38S-46S.

Nading, A. M. (2012). DENGUE MOSQUITOES ARE SINGLE MOTHERS: Biopolitics Meets Ecological Aesthetics in NicaraguanCommunity Health Work. Cultural Anthropology, 27(4), 572–596.

Nading, A. M. (2014). Mosquito Trails: Ecology, Health, and the Politics of Entanglement. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Mafalala x Kinaxixe

Cco. José Craveirinha e Luandino Vieira

as flores são luzes

a derrocarem nas flâmulas

da cidade

e os frutos são o escuro

que elas iluminam

na peumbra do subúrbio

Amosse Mucavele. Geografia do Olhar. Ed. Cavalo do Mar, Maputo.

 

->Portuguese

Water storage containers and households in Pemba, Cabo Delgado

This report is the result of ethnographic research carried out among the households of three low- income neighbourhoods of Pemba, the capital city of the province of Cabo Delgado: Natite, Cariacó and Alto Gingone. We focused on the everyday activities of capturing and storing water within the neighbourhoods’ households. During our field work in the above mentioned neighbourhoods we noticed that in some households the water service, supplied by the Fund for Investment and Water Supply Heritage (FIPAG) presented some shortcomings. Due to water supply intermittence, the water was stored in underground reservoirs made out of cement. These reservoirs can be made in quadrangular or circular shapes (See Figures 1 and 2). Circular shaped tanks are smaller and are usually built outside or inside the home, depending on the will of the inhabitants.

According to some informants the use of cement tanks is customary in the region. Their direct ancestors constructed them as a way to ensure the durability of the container, unlike the clay pots they used to store water in the more remote past. Formerly, families used tanks made out of clay to conserve water. These tanks were built with local materials, that is, with clay that came from the soil of the region. With the modernization and urbanization of the region, households started using cement instead of clay, as cement started being seen as a material with greater durability in relation to clay.

Different informants sustained that local residents can be hired to build the tanks. These residents charge around 100 to 150 meticais on average, depending on the size of the tanks. Wealthier households with enough income to build quadrangular-shaped tanks eventually become private water suppliers. Since they are able to store more water than their neighbours they end up selling them this water whenever there are shortages. According to the community, the construction of cement tanks is a strategy to cope with the frequent and unexpected water cuts of the FIPAG, which are frequent in the neighbourhoods of Natite, Alto Gingone and Cariacó.

These cement tanks are mostly covered with zinc sheets or with lids made out of wood. Owners of cement storage tanks sometimes clean them with a local product called “certainty” (made of chlorine). Some other times, in periods without many water cuts, they resort to washing them with clean water.

By: Danicia Munguambe  

Os tanques de água usados em alguns agregados familiares na cidade de Pemba, Cabo Delgado

O presente relatório resulta de uma pesquisa etnográfica realizada entre os membros de agregados familiares dos bairros (de baixa renda) de Natite, Cariacó e Alto Gingone com enfoque nos processos de captação e armazenamento de água nos agregados familiares. Durante o período de trabalho de campo nos bairros acima citados percebi que em alguns agregados familiares o processo de fornecimento de água pela Fundo de Investimento e Patrimônio de Abastecimento de Água (FIPAG) apresentava algumas restrições. Após a captação a água era armazenada em reservatórios subterrâneos feitos de bloco e cimento, quer em formato quandrangular ou circular (Ver figuras 1 e 2). Os tanques de formato circular são construídos fora ou dentro de casa, dependendo da vontade do proprietário do agregado familiar.

De acordo com alguns informantes o uso de tanques de cimento é algo costumeiro da região e histórico porque os seus antepassados construíram como forma de assegurar a durabilidade do recipiente, diferente das panelas feitas com argila que usavam antigamente. Foi-me informado que antigamente algumas famílias usavam tanques feitos de argila para conservação da água. Esses tanques eram construídos de material local, isto é, argila que provinha do solo da região. Com a modernização apareceu o cimento que foi visto como material com maior durabilidade em relação à argila.

Os informantes contaram que existem pessoas locais indicadas para construir os tanques, que em média cobram 100 a 150 meticais dependendo do tamanho do mesmo. A maior parte de casas que tem os tanques de cimentos de formato quandrangular, as famílias tornam-se fornecedores privados de água o que facilita o processo de busca e uma forma de os proprietários dos tanques fazerem negócio. A construção de tanques de cimento é também justificada como uma forma de possuir água armazenada nas casas independente de acontecer alguma restrição de água do FIPAG, visto que os casos de restrição de água são frequentes nos bairros de Natite, Alto Gingone e Cariacó.

Os tanques na sua maioria são cobertos de chapas de zinco ou tampas feitas de madeira. Segundo informação fornecida por alguns participantes, para a limpeza dos tanques os proprietários usam cloro “certeza”, em outros casos recorrem a lavagem dos tanques quando o fornecimento de água não regista restrições, evitando desse modo a possibilidade de não ter água armazenada.

Por: Danicia Munguambe